สุภาษ จันทระ โพส

(เปลี่ยนทางจาก สุภาส จันทรโภส)

สุภาษ จันทร โพส (Subhas Chandra Bose; 23 มกราคม 1897 – 18 สิงหาคม 1945)[7][e] เป็นนักชาตินิยมอินเดีย, วีรบุรุษของอินเดีย[8][f][9][g][10][h] ผู้ซึ่งระหว่างสงครามโลกครั้งที่สองได้พยายามจะปลดแอกอินเดียจากบริติชราชภายใต้ความช่วยเหลือของนาซีเยอรมนีและจักรวรรดิญี่ปุ่น ต่อมาได้กลายเป็นประเด็นที่เป็นปัญหาของชีวิตเขา[11][i][12][j][8][k] คำเชิดชูเกียรติ เนตาจี (Netaji; ฮินดูสถาน: "ท่านผู้นำ") ได้ถูกนำมาใช้กับเขาในปี 1942 โดยทหารอินเดียในอินดิสช์ เยอรมนี และในเบอร์ลิน ก่อนที่จะถูกนำมาใช้แพร่หลายในการเรียกเขา[13][l]

สุภาษ จันทระ โบส
ผู้นำกองทัพแห่งชาติอินเดีย[d]
ดำรงตำแหน่ง
4 กรกฎาคม 1943 – 18 สิงหาคม 1945
ก่อนหน้า โมหัน สิงห์
ถัดไป ยกเลิกตำแหน่ง
ประธานคองเกรสแห่งชาติอินเดีย
ดำรงตำแหน่ง
18 มกราคม 1938 – 29 เมษายน 1939
ก่อนหน้า ชวาหรลาล เนห์รู
ถัดไป ราเชนทระ ปรสัท
ดำรงตำแหน่ง
22 มิถุนายน 1939 – 16 มกราคม 1941
ก่อนหน้า ประเดิมตำแหน่ง
คนที่ 5 นายกเทศมนตรีกัลกัตตา
ดำรงตำแหน่ง
22 สิงหาคม 1930 – 15 เมษายน 1931
ก่อนหน้า ชตินทรเ โมหัน เสนคุปตะ
ถัดไป พิธีน จันทระ โรย
ข้อมูลส่วนบุคคล
เกิด สุภาษ จันทระ โบส
23 มกราคม ค.ศ. 1897(1897-01-23)
กัตตัก, รัฐเบงกอล, บริติชอินเดีย (ปัจจุบันอยู่ในโอริศา, ประเทศอินเดีย)
เสียชีวิต 18 สิงหาคม ค.ศ. 1945 (48 ปี)
โรงพยาบาลกองทัพแขนงนัมมง, ไทโฮะกุ, ไต้หวันภายใต้การปกครองของญี่ปุ่น (ปัจจุบันคือโรงพยาบาลนครไทเป สาขาเหอผิงฝูโย่ว, ไทเป, ประเทศไต้หวัน)
พลเมือง บริติชราช
บิดา ชนกีนาถ โพส
มารดา ประภาวตี โพส
คู่สมรส เอมิลี เชนเกิล[4][5]
บุตร อนิตา โพส ปฟัฟฟ์
ศิษย์เก่า
ลายมือชื่อ

หมายเหตุแก้ไข

  1. "the Provisional Government of Azad Hind (or Free India Provisional Government, FIPG) was announced on 21 October. It was based at Singapore and consisted, in the first instance, of five ministers, eight representatives of the INA, and eight civilian advisers representing the Indians of Southeast and East Asia. Bose was head of state, prime minister and minister for war and foreign affairs.[1]
  2. "Hideki Tojo turned over all Japan's Indian POWs to Bose's command, and in October 1943 Bose announced the creation of a Provisional Government of Free India, of which he became head of state, prime minister, minister of war, and minister of foreign affairs."[2]
  3. "Bose was especially keen to have some Indian territory over which the provisional government might claim sovereignty. Since the Japanese had stopped east of the Chindwin River in Burma and not entered India on that front, the only Indian territories they held were the Andaman and Nicobar Islands in the Indian Ocean. The Japanese navy was unwilling to transfer administration of these strategic islands to Bose’s forces, but a face-saving agreement was worked out so that the provisional government was given a ‘jurisdiction’, while actual control remained throughout with the Japanese military. Bose eventually made a visit to Port Blair in the Andamans in December and a ceremonial transfer took place. Renaming them the Shahid (Martyr) and Swaraj (Self-rule) Islands, Bose raised the Indian national flag and appointed Lieutenant-Colonel Loganadhan, a medical officer, as chief commissioner. Bose continued to lobby for complete transfer, but did not succeed."[3]
  4. His formal title after 21 October 1943 was: Head of State, Prime Minister, Minister of War, and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government of Free India, which was based in Japanese-occupied Singapore.[a][b] with jurisdiction, but without sovereignty of Japanese-occupied Andaman Islands.[c]
  5. "If all else failed (Bose) wanted to become a prisoner of the Soviets: 'They are the only ones who will resist the British. My fate is with them. But as the Japanese plane took off from Taipei airport its engines faltered and then failed. Bose was badly burned in the crash. According to several witnesses, he died on 18 August in a Japanese military hospital, talking to the very last of India's freedom. British and Indian commissions later established convincingly that Bose had died in Taiwan. These were legendary and apocalyptic times, however. Having witnessed the first Indian leader to fight against the British since the great mutiny of 1857, many in both Southeast Asia and India refused to accept the loss of their hero. Rumours that Bose had survived and was waiting to come out of hiding and begin the final struggle for independence were rampant by the end of 1945.[7]
  6. "His romantic saga, coupled with his defiant nationalism, has made Bose a near-mythic figure, not only in his native Bengal, but across India."[8]
  7. "Bose's heroic endeavor still fires the imagination of many of his countrymen. But like a meteor which enters the earth's atmosphere, he burned brightly on the horizon for a brief moment only."[9]
  8. "Subhas Bose might have been a renegade leader who had challenged the authority of the Congress leadership and their principles. But in death he was a martyred patriot whose memory could be an ideal tool for political mobilization."[10]
  9. "The most troubling aspect of Bose's presence in Nazi Germany is not military or political but rather ethical. His alliance with the most genocidal regime in history poses serious dilemmas precisely because of his popularity and his having made a lifelong career of fighting the 'good cause'. How did a man who started his political career at the feet of Gandhi end up with Hitler, Mussolini, and Tojo? Even in the case of Mussolini and Tojo, the gravity of the dilemma pales in comparison to that posed by his association with Hitler and the Nazi leadership. The most disturbing issue, all too often ignored, is that in the many articles, minutes, memorandums, telegrams, letters, plans, and broadcasts Bose left behind in Germany, he did not express the slightest concern or sympathy for the millions who died in the concentration camps. Not one of his Berlin wartime associates or colleagues ever quotes him expressing any indignation. Not even when the horrors of Auschwitz and its satellite camps were exposed to the world upon being liberated by Soviet troops in early 1945, revealing publicly for the first time the genocidal nature of the Nazi regime, did Bose react."[11]
  10. "To many (Congress leaders), Bose's programme resembled that of the Japanese fascists, who were in the process of losing their gamble to achieve Asian ascendancy through war. Nevertheless, the success of his soldiers in Burma had stirred as much patriotic sentiment among Indians as the sacrifices of imprisoned Congress leaders.[12]
  11. "Marginalized within Congress and a target for British surveillance, Bose chose to embrace the fascist powers as allies against the British and fled India, first to Hitler's Germany, then, on a German submarine, to a Japanese-occupied Singapore. The force that he put together ... known as the Indian National Army (INA) and thus claiming to represent free India, saw action against the British in Burma but accomplished little toward the goal of a march on Delhi. ... Bose himself died in an aeroplane crash trying to reach Japanese-occupied territory in the last months of the war. ... It is this heroic, martial myth that is today remembered, rather than Bose's wartime vision of a free India under the authoritarian rule of someone like himself."[8]
  12. "Another small, but immediate, issue for the civilians in Berlin and the soldiers in training was how to address Subhas Bose. Vyas has given his view of how the term was adopted: 'one of our [soldier] boys came forward with "Hamare Neta". We improved upon it: "Netaji"... It must be mentioned, that Subhas Bose strongly disapproved of it. He began to yield only when he saw our military group ... firmly went on calling him "Netaji"'. (Alexander) Werth also mentioned adoption of 'Netaji' and observed accurately, that it '... combined a sense both of affection and honour ...' It was not meant to echo 'Fuehrer' or 'Duce', but to give Subhas Bose a special Indian form of reverence and this term has been universally adopted by Indians everywhere in speaking about him."[13]

อ้างอิงแก้ไข

  1. Gordon 1990, p. 502.
  2. Wolpert 2000, p. 339.
  3. Gordon 1990, pp. 502–503.
  4. Gordon 1990, pp. 344–345.
  5. Hayes 2011, p. 15.
  6. The_Open_University.
  7. 7.0 7.1 Bayly & Harper 2007, p. 2.
  8. 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 Metcalf & Metcalf 2012, p. 210.
  9. 9.0 9.1 Kulke & Rothermund 2004, p. 311.
  10. 10.0 10.1 Bandyopādhyāẏa 2004, p. 427.
  11. 11.0 11.1 Hayes 2011, p. 165.
  12. 12.0 12.1 Stein 2010, pp. 345.
  13. 13.0 13.1 Gordon 1990, pp. 459–460.

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